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Sunday, August 1, 2010

Thai Navy Seals: One hell of a week

Some people are willing to push themselves to breaking point to fulfil their dreams

'Hooyah!" shout the exhausted, trembling Navy Seal trainees in unison to their demanding instructors as they prepare for the most dreaded part of the infamous "Hell Week". They are so tired that they can barely stand in a straight line. Their muscles ache beyond any pain they have ever experienced, and their bodies are chilled to the bone.

They have been submerged in a pool of ice-cold water as part of the Basic Underwater Demolition component of Hell Week. The tough task is not only intended to help their bodies cope with hypothermia, but also to test their mental resolve.

There hearts pounding, the mission is far from over - what lies ahead of them is a 3.2km run and then another obstacle course that would challenge the strongest men.

The trainees knew beforehand it would be the toughest task they have ever faced. But the challenges don't dull their determination to become Royal Thai Navy Seals, the country's elite maritime warriors.

Hell Week consists of 120 hours of continuous training in April, the hottest month of the year, at the Naval Special Warfare Centre in Sattahip, Chon Buri. Trainees get by on only a few hours sleep. Hell Week is the second phase of the training, designed as the ultimate test of physical and mental prowess.

MAXIMUM EFFORT: Trainee Seals struggle through a pool of mud, part of the obstacle course

''To become a Seal is my dream,'' says 26-year-old Petty Officer 1st Class Praiwan Taengmanee, who graduated from the gruelling Underwater Demolition Team Reconnaissance class, the first phase, last year.

''It's the toughest thing I've ever done. Hell Week is the most challenging phase of the training,'' added the driven sailor, who is among the 43 remaining trainees. At the beginning there were 89, but over two months their numbers have been more than halved.

For those who make it, Hell Week is proof that the human body and spirit can endure far more than the average person believes possible. In this phase, trainees are expected to learn, apart from physical fitness, the value of keeping a cool head, perseverance and teamwork.

''Ultimately, we seek candidates with whom we can entrust the lives of fellow frogmen,andwhocan operationally complete underwater tasks upon entering a real-world combat scene,'' says instructor Captain Suwicha Koirum. ''In Hell Week, they are often cold, miserable and xhausted. That's the physical, emotional and mental tests these young men must endure, and it's not going to get easier.''

After Hell Week, they will carry on with training in land warfare, marine combat, hostage situations and guerrilla techniques. Thailand's Navy Seal training course is based on a similar elite programme devised by the US military, and the two countries participate in joint naval special warfare training every year.

So how tough the is Hell Week?

The aspiring young Seals must dip themselves into an ice-filled pool where their physical conditioning and mental tenacity are put to the test. They must also wade through a pool of mud before completing a 6.4km run up and down hills, plus obstacle courses such as carrying a 90kg canoe or 100kg tree log. Other tests include pulling an oar with their teeth, and crawling naked on hot concrete to toughen them up.

READY TO ROLL: The Seal trainees are poised for their obstacle courses

They are also thrown into the ocean with their hands and feet bound and need to untie themselves before swimming 3.2km in the open sea. Learning small boatmanship is also required.

After the first few days, the men are already tired and famished. Their lips are parched. Their eyes are red and sore from the lack of sleep as stress mounts. Their sunburned skin is ripped and bruised. They often gasp for breath. Some, inevitably, yield to their physical limitations. Others push themselves to stay for another day. The unlucky succumb to injury. Though allowed to receive medical care, they must report back to the base within an hour, otherwise they will be disqualified.

Petty Officer 3rd Class Wirat Yuen-un, 22, who fainted during the training and was in an intensive care unit for two days, said he cried once he regained consciousness. ''I knew I was out of the team. My heart was there but my body failed me,'' he said.

Hecameback, though, to congratulate his peerswhocompleted Hell Week training. The disappointed sailor shook his head, but then beamed: ''I'll enroll again. I'll be back next year. I'll become a Seal.''

SHOULDERING RESPONSIBILITY: Men carry a log on one shoulder while holding an oar as they climb a hill

HERE’S MUD IN YOUR EYE: A trainee wipes sludge from his eyes.

CRASH LANDING: Trainees somersault into a muddy lake.

TAKING THE LEAD: An obstacle course where trainees have to pull a canoe to the shore with their teeth.

BATTERED: Their skin is ripped, torn and bruised all over.

MAN DOWN: A trainee receives medical care as he collapses during the training.

A HELPING HAND: Getting across a muddy lake

CLEANING UP: An instructor sprays water onto his trainee to wipe away mud and refresh him.

BREATHTAKING: A soldier grimaces as he is pushed into icy water.

PLAYING IT COOL: Trainees take a plunge in a pool of ice-cold water.

About the author

columnist
Writer: Wassana Nanuam
Position: Reporter

1932 coup-makers' descendants want to set the record straight

The sons and daughters of Khana Rasadorn gathered at a Bangkok temple last week to commemorate the event that transformed Thailand to a constitutional monarchy and lament its unfinished mission

Thailand, called Siam at the time, saw the first of many successful coups in its history at dawn on June 24, 1932, when a group of 115 military officers and intellectuals known as the Khana Rasadorn (People's Group) brought an end to 150 years of absolute monarchy under the Chakri dynasty.

COMMEMORATIVE SERVICE: A portrait of Field Marshal Plaek Phibulsonggram looks over guests at the June 24 ceremony at Wat Phra Si Maha That. PHOTO: SURAPOL PROMSAKA NA SAKOLNAKORN

Each year on June 24 the descendants of Khana Rasadorn members, along with various pro-democracy activists, commemorate the event. But it is significant that since 1957 the governments made possible by the 1932 revolution have not officially recognised June 24 as a landmark in the development of Thai democracy. It was recognised as a national day until the 1957 coup by Field Marshal Sarit Thanarat, which wished to erase the collective memory of the contributions of Khana Rasadorn, along with the legacy of Field Marshal Plaek Phibulsonggram, or Phibun, who was the last member of Khana Rasadorn active in Thai politics.

Those at the ceremony at Wat Phra Si Maha That believe the objectives of Khana Rasadorn to establish supreme civil rule in 1932 have not been fully realised in the intervening 78 years.

Puangkeo Satraprung, 68, is one of the four surviving children of Phraya Phahon Pholpayuhasena, the leader of Khana Rasadorn. Mrs Puangkeo said it was sad that the Thai people, and politicians in particular, have not expressed gratitude to those who brought them what they have today.

"The forefathers of Thai democracy greatly sacrificed not only their own lives, but also the future of their clans. If they had not succeeded, their descendants would also have been executed jed chua kote [down to the seventh tier]," said Mrs Puangkeo on the sidelines of the religious rites at Wat Phra Si Maha That.

A recent poll conducted by Rangsit University and the Pridi Institute revealed that 90% of 1,181 respondents would like June 24 reinstated as a national day.

GIANTS OF 1932: Above, Phibun’s photo inside the chedi at Wat Phra Si Maha That built to store relics of Khana Rasadorn.

"I don't care so much if June 24 is reinstated as a national day, but people must get the facts straight. Thailand needs to overhaul the way history is taught and preserved. Facts, not fiction, will enlighten the whole society," said Mrs Puangkeo.

She said that one of the disturbing illusions regarding Khana Rasadorn was the notion that the June 24 coup was a pre-emptive move to seize power. She was referring to attempts in recent decades to show that King Prachadhipok was already leaning toward a democratic mindset and Khana Rasadorn made their move before he could benevolently hand democracy over to the people.

''I do not agree with the ching-suk-gon-ham [premature seizure] discourse. The histories of other countries tell us that unless you fight for democracy, you will not get it. This political discourse that has been taught and repeated for decades is the first distortion of the 1932 event that needs to be rectified,'' said Mrs Puangkeo.

At 89, Chirawat Pibulsonggram Panyarachun is the oldest surviving child of Khana Rasadorn leader Phibun. She shares the opinion of her brother Nitya Pibulsonggram _ the foreign minister in the administration of Surayud Chulanont _ that the 1932 Revolution did not overrule or overthrow the works of the Chakri monarchs, which have been revered and recognised by the people for more than two centuries.

DEVOTED DAUGHTER: Chirawat Pibulsonggram attends the temple ceremony.

She added that other historical distortions she would like to correct are the perception that her father had created and presided over a prevailing militarism in the country, and that he and Pridi Banomyong were competing for power.

''I believe they both tried to do good things for the country. I feel irritated that there are still attempts to belittle or undermine Khana Rasadorn by saying that if there had been no June 24 coup there would be something better in place in Thailand today,'' said Mrs Chirawat.

Suthachai Yimprasert, an assistant professor of history at Chulalongkorn University, agreed that Phibun should not be labelled as a forefather of dictatorship.

''It would be a lousy analogy if you put the blame on Karl Marx for what North Korea is today. Neither Khana Rasadorn, nor Phibun should be held responsible for the troubles in contemporary politics,'' said Mr Suthachai, who was detained for eight days by the Center for Resolution of the Emergency Situation (CRES) last month because of his association with the red shirt protesters in Bangkok.

He said June 24, 1932, was the start of an incomplete mission to establish the civil and political rights of the people through representative democracy.

Pridi Banomyong’s nameplate on the chedi wall. PHOTOS: SURAPOL PROMSAKA NA SAKOLNAKORN

''We need to understand that Khana Ra sadorn's efforts to establish democracy were interrupted and finally deformed by pro-royalists military leaders after Phibun,'' said Mr Suthachai, in reference to Field Marshal Sarit, Field Marshal Phin Choonhavan, Field Marshal Thanom Kittikachorn and Field Marshal Prapas Charusatien.

Worachet Pakeerut, a law professor at Thammasat University, said that despite the change of political and administrative systems following the 1932 revolution, the country's core ideology was never truly transformed accordingly.

Khana Rasadorn's democratic ideology has not been expressed by the ensuing leadership, especially in the realm of the judiciary and the military, said Mr Worachet at a political science seminar at Thammasat on Thursday.

Khana Rasadorn's revolution never touched the judicial branch and therefore the concept of constitutionality was never fully established in the minds of judges and other legal personnel, said the public law expert.

Khana Rasadorn sponsored the June 27, 1932, constitution, which tried to bring the judiciary into a new power-sharing arrangement, but the constitution was rejected by King Prachadhipok. The first ''permanent'' constitution, which came six months later, gives a free hand to the judiciary, said Mr Worachet.

PAYING RESPECTS: Descendants of Khana Rasadorn members at Wat Phra Si Maha That.

He added that Khana Rasadorn's vision of a limited role and status of the monarchy, which would have mostly ritual and traditional duties, was changed after the 1957 coup by Sarit, who reinstalled the royal power in the legal and political structure.

This has led to the present problems, said Mr Worachet.

He said there is still a conflict between the notion that supreme power lies with the people and the notion of totsapitrachatham [ethical royal power], and that from time to time the expectations are propped up in some quarters of the society that the King should use this power to intervene in certain political crises.

The professor said that therefore those who point out the intention of Khana Rasadorn to draw a clear constitutional line for the role of the monarchy are accused of lese majeste.

''This is an incomplete mission. The struggle between those wanting a vibrant constitutionalism and representative democracy and those looking for ethical leadership will persist in the months and years to come,'' he said.

Mr Suthachai sees the red shirt movement's aims (to reinstall their political party as head of the government) as kindred to the Khana Rasadorn spirit of the supremacy of the people.

Mrs Chirawat, while saying that the red shirts have little in common with the 1932 group, also sees justification in their struggle.

''The reds fight for justice and against double standards, which is understandable,'' said Mrs Chirawat, adding that the present and previous administrations have not followed through with Khana Rasadorn's democratic objectives. She pleaded for all groups in the country to reconcile and move forward.

Kraisi Tularak, the son of Sa-nguan Tularak _another Khana Rasadorn member _ acknowledged that in the old days there might have been ideological conflicts within Khana Rasadorn, especially during the World War II, when Pridi was allied with the US and Phibun with Japan.

''But they were not vengeful, or trying to annihilate one another _ unlike the politicians today,'' said Mr Krasi, who is in his late 70s.

He agreed that the political struggle began by his father and his colleagues is not yet finished.

''Having free education is not enough. Schools must teach principles and ethics and national unity or we will always have the reds and the yellows,'' he said.

Mrs Puangkeo agreed that until the people are properly educated, democracy will not be fully established in Thailand, but she remains optimistic. ''There's a tiny flickering light at the end of the tunnel. There's hope that the country will gradually evolve if we learn from the past.''

About the author

columnist
Writer: Achara Ashayagachat
Position: Reporter

Missing and unaccounted for

A lack of official procedures and support from the authorities is hampering families in the search for those still missing after the red shirt protests in Bangkok

Fifteen-year-old Atitaya Phumeun has been trying to locate her father, Monchai, since the May 19 military crackdown on the red shirt protesters. She said the 38-year-old from Pathum Thani had taken part in the demonstrations since the beginning.

STILL HOPEFUL: Atitaya Phumuen and her grandfather, Mool Phumeun, at home in Pathum Thani province. PHOTOS: TUNYA SUKPANICH

She said that after the situation grew tense she became very worried and constantly watched the news on television, knowing that there were a lot of dead, injured and arrested in the violence.

She called her grandfather, Mool Phumeun, Mr Monchai's father, to tell him that she had lost contact with her father.

She became even more worried when her grandfather told her he hadn't called him either. The family waited patiently and hopefully for him to call or return home, but heard nothing.

A few days after the smoke had cleared in Bangkok, Atitaya decided to call the Centre for the Resolution of the Emergency Situation (CRES) to try and find some information.

"I knew the telephone number from the television," she said. "I asked how I could find my father who had joined the protest. The official just gave me the telephone number of the Mirror Foundation and told me I should contact this organisation because it operates a missing persons centre. So I did."

Her family didn't think it was a good idea for her to go to Bangkok and check the hospitals alone, as her mother, grandfather and grandmother all had to work. So they waited for news from the foundation or the CRES.

Atitaya and her younger sister and brother live with their maternal grandmother, who is a food vendor, on a small plot of land in Klong 6 in Thanyaburi district of Pathum Thani. The children's parents separated a few years ago, and both have new families.

SEARCHING ONLINE: Atitaya and her sister check the list of those arrested.

"Our mother's house is nearby, and she still takes care of us," said Atitaya in an interview with Spectrum at her grandmother's house. She added that her father had also kept in close contact with her and her younger siblings. Shortly before joining the protest in March, he visited them and said he was going to Bangkok to be a red shirt guard.

"He contacted me almost every day by mobile phone. He told us when he was at Ratchadamnoen, and then later at the Ratchaprasong intersection," she said, adding that there had been no hint of any problems during their phone conversations.

Her grandfather, Mr Mool, added that Atitaya had taken the initiative to contact the CRES and the Mirror Foundation. "When she told me what she had done, I admired her courage," he said, adding that at first they had decided not to file a missing persons report with the police station because they hoped that he might have been arrested and detained.

In the weeks following the military crackdown, getting an accurate picture of the number of people arrested under the emergency law during and after the crackdown was an exercise in confusion. Several civil and human rights groups called for the CRES and the police to disclose the names of those arrested and where they were detained. Finally, on June 11, the police disclosed the names of 417 people on the Royal Thai Police website.

OFFICIAL: A copy of the family’s complaint to the police.

After seeing that Mr Monchai's name was not on the list, Atitaya and Mr Mool felt despair, and on the afternoon of June 11 decided to file a complaint at the Pathum Thani police station.

During the interview Mr Mool burst into tears. Like many other relatives of the missing, he would prefer knowing what happened - even if that means being told his missing son is dead - to remaining in the dark.

"We want to know whether he is dead or alive. We don't know what to think or what to do now. I don't know what else we can do but wait, just like a lot of other people."

Under a cloud of negative news stories about red shirt protesters, most relatives of missing people refuse to give interviews. Mr Mool thinks differently, however, and sees no reason to stay quiet.

"I don't blame him for joining the protest. He didn't do anything wrong. He's an adult. Everyone has a right to their own beliefs." He also believes the media might help find his son. Through the misery of the past weeks, Mr Mool has resolved to look after his granddaughter as best he can.

"We - her grandma and I - have decided to take her to stay with us so that she can go to school. Without her father's support, the burden will be too much for her [maternal] grandmother and mother to look after all three children," he said.

A HELPING HAND

According to the Mirror Foundation, a total of 80 people were reported missing by relatives following the May 19 crackdown, and 39 of these have since contacted their families. Five are reportedly being detained by the government, and one has been released on bail.

The foundation is working on the other 35 cases. Most of those who have contacted relatives said they had "gone to stay with friends up-country" for fear of being arrested.

The foundation's missing persons centre is carrying out a range of activities to assist the relatives of the missing.

"We want the documents or copies of documents of the missing relatives - ID cards or other official cards, or house registration that shows their name.

"Most importantly, the relatives must file missing persons reports with the police and send a copy to the centre," explained Nampeung Chairangsi, a legal officer working at the foundation.

"Moreover," she added, "we need to interview relatives and friends to make sure that people did actually join the protest so that we have a clear indication of where and how to further the search."

She said many relatives have not yet filed reports with the police, and many of them have not sent the necessary documents to the centre.

So far, following inquires and interviews of friends and relatives, nine people related to the protest - from Bangkok, Nakhon Pathom, Buri Ram, Khon Kaen and Roi Et - have been confirmed by the centre to be missing. Confirmation that Mr Monchai is missing is still waiting on further investigation by the centre.

Sarawuth Prathumraj, a human rights lawyer and co-ordinator of the Human Rights Study Group, pointed out that Thailand does not have a specific law covering people missing as a result of political conflict, and therefore there is no standard procedure on how to proceed in such cases.

Mr Sarawuth cited as examples the conflicts of Oct 6, 1976, and Black May, 1992, and a number of missing persons cases have remained unresolved because there was no organisation or even a team appointed to investigate the cases.

In some instances relatives of the missing had received compensation from the government, but the causes of their disappearance remains a mystery. There is no truth and no justice.

Mr Sarawuth said that under the present circumstances missing persons cases are being treated the same as they normally would - as possible kidnappings, runaways and so on. After it is determined when and where the missing person was last seen around the protest area, their pictures would be distributed and witnesses and clues would be sought.

He talked about the case of a woman who was selling water and soft drinks at Sanam Luang during the Black May protest.

"The protestors knew her, and other vendors knew her and confirmed she was there every day, even during the crackdowns. No one can make any argument about her case," he said.

He noted that these days many people own digital cameras and video recorders and there are a large number of pictures and video clips of the recent protests, which should help greatly in locating people at particular places and times.

He added that it doesn't seem likely the present government will get directly involved or take responsibility for solving the missing persons cases. "The government does not dare take on any obligation despite the emergency law that protects them from civil criminal offences," he said.

Mr Sarawuth said that there should be a law covering missing people from political conflicts and violence because many people have been forcibly "disappeared".

"Involuntary disappearance has become a tool to eliminate political opposition as well as to oppress ethnic, religious and political groups," he said. He added that the disappearance of Muslim human rights lawyer Somchai Neelaphaijit was instrumental in forming a consensus among human rights advocates that such a law was needed.

Mr Sarawuth noted that the problem of forced disappearance has been discussed at an international level for many years, and that the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in 2006, and has so far been ratified by 18 countries. Thailand is not even a signatory.

About the author

columnist
Writer: Tunya Sukpanich
Position: Reporter